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Conceopts of wealth in traditional Africa
George B.N. Ayittey
Most lineages in traditional Africa have a "family pot," a general welfare fund managed by the head of the extended family. Income-earning members are obligated to make contributions to this fund. Obligations vary from family to family and tribe to tribe. The contributor in some cases may make a minimum regular payment. In other cases, the contribution may be irregular and based upon financial ability. In some families, contributions may be entirely voluntary for those who no longer live in the village. However, failure to contribute is often interpreted as an abandonment of one's family, which is considered a serious transgression. The offender may be ostracized or caused to forfeit his inheritance rights. However, atonement can often be made with one "large" contribution to cover past arrears.
Across Africa, the family pot, called the agbadoho among the Ewe seine fishermen of Ghana, is used for a variety of purposes: to provide the initial start-up capital for a business or trade; to finance the education, hospitalization and the foreign trip of a member of the extended family; to cover funeral expenses; to finance improvement costs to the family land; or to construct new dwellings.
The African family pot, not well understood, has also been the source of much confusion and myth. The erroneous corollary was the assumption that there were neither poverty nor rich peasants in pre-colonial Africa. Even the United Nations Regional Department on Social Welfare Policy and Training of the Economic Commission for Africa, succumbed to this myth in 1972:
In rural Africa, the extended family and the clan assume the responsibility for all services for their members, whether social or economic. People live in closely organized groups and willingly accept communal obligations for mutual support. Individuals satisfy their need for social and economic security merely by being attached to one of these groups. The sick, the aged and children are all cared for by the extended family. In this type of community, nobody can be labelled poor because the group usually shares what they have. There is no competition, no insecurity, no big ambitions, no unemployment and thus people are mentally healthy. Deviation or abnormal behaviour is almost absent. (Cited by Iliffe, 1988; p.3).
Forced sharing was generally not the rule in many African ethnic societies. There were rich merchants, traders and poor peasants. Inequalities of wealth were very much a feature of indigenous Africa. For example, Among the Igbo (of Nigeria) inequality was recognized in age, status, wealth, religion, birth and descent. Royalty was in name and not in fact, as the Igbo recognized achievement rather than hereditary-bestowed greatness (Olaniyan, 1985:24).
Africans accumulated wealth just as any other people, and differences in wealth were recognized. In the view ofSchneider (1986), The Hausa (of West Africa) are not equal in wealth. Wealth differences are indexed by the fact that some gandu, a productive unit composed of a father and his married sons, are much larger than and contain many more subunits than do others. Furthermore, these large gandu have more manured land in crops, more bushfields (unmanured fields) and more marshland. In this society, a good deal of effort is expended by people to increase the size of their holdings and the scale of their production in order to increase their wealth - and obviously some people are more successful at this than are others (p.186).
Most people tend to conceive of wealth as money, oversized bank accounts, fancy mansions, a collection of rare paintings and so on. Economists, however, define wealth as the possession of an asset that generates income. For example, a plot of agricultural land, a coalmine, a steel mill and stocks and bonds all produce income.
Much of the wealth in indigenous Africa was of the social type; that is, of the non-pecuniary or psychic variety, some of which was valueless to westerners. The Masai in Kenya and the Zulus of South Africa counted their wealth in cattle. Among the Gikuyu, "cows give the owner a prestige in the community...The owner of a large number of cattle was sentimentally satisfied by praise names conferred upon him by the community in their songs and dances (Kenyatta, 1938:62). "All the Tsimihety of Madagascar aspire to keep large numbers of cattle" (Wilson, 1967). Cattle performed a social, not economic, function of yielding prestige and respect to their owner. That was one reason why they were rarely slaughtered by the owner for consumption. In Nigeria, "the economic goal of the Bororo is not to raise their material standards but to accumulate livestock. The rich man's satisfactions reach far beyond those of the less affluent when he silently contemplates the evening, his flocks back within the kraal, having assumed one of those meditative poses that express the pleasure of possession" (Dupire, 1962).
Evidently, Africans accumulate wealth just as Westerners do. The only difference, however, is the form of accumulation. Due to the absence of capital markets, wealth took the form of acquiring physical possessions. Wealth could not be "hidden" in paper currencies, credit and debt instuments such as stocks and bonds. Wealth in indigenous Africa had a physical presence. The wealthy in the village could be identified easily by the number of heads of cattle, the number of wives and children. Upon this basis, it immediately becomes apparent that, since not all the peasants had the same number of cattle, there were inequalities in the distribution of wealth in indigenous
Africa.
Clearly, the general absence of economic or pecuniary wealth did not mean the people of Africa had no conception of wealth and were uninterested in its accumulation. There was no African native law that forbade Africans to help themselves to prosper and be wealthy. In fact, each king or chief desired prosperity for his people. Ritual incantations, religious sacrifices, and invocation of ancestral spirits were generally performed to seek the assistance of the gods and dead ancestors to protect the tribe and help it prosper.
The pursuit of wealth was a cultural occupation! Prestige, status, honor and influence were all attached to wealth in indigenous systems. The wealthy were "important people" with influence in governmental affairs. It was no accident that political figures in traditional African societies were also wealthy. Among the Gusii of Kenya, "the social status of a homestead head and his influence in community affairs were largely dependent on his wealth. A rich man (omanda) was respected and listened to, while a poor man (omoraka) was despised, at least covertly, and ignored" (LeVine, 1962).
"Sidamo men (of Ethiopia) aspire to positions of wealth" (Hammer, 1970). In Kuba society of Zaire, "wealth is a powerful means of acquiring prestige, and prestige is the basic value of society. Wealth is displayed in order to give prestige; it has to be shown in rich clothing, furniture and hospitality" (Vansina, 1962). Among the Igbo, "the attainment of wealth meant the attainment of prestige and influence, through respect, clientage, assumption of titles, and achievement of political influence" (Carlston, 1968:191).
It is important to stress, for the benefit of modern African elites, that political power or office in traditional Africa was not used as the basis to accumulate wealth. The African chief was forbidden to accumulate personal wealth. Any such accumulation or gift to the Akan chief was regarded as "stool property." The rich in traditional Africa did notowe their wealth to political office or connections. Nor did those in office use their position to enrich themselves.The successful Igbo man owed his prosperity to his own individual ability:
(In Igbo society), strong emphasis was placed on achievement, and ways to achievement and leadership were open. Many social groups, who aided their members as they sought to move upwards in status and influence, encouraged achievement. Achievement and initiative were permitted within many of the social groups and were facilitated by the number of contacts with social groups which were possible...An individual could turn to many different groups for land, political support, and other purposes. His initiative and shrewdness in doing so, together with his industry and judgement, determined his success. (Carlston, 1968;p.192).
For the Bushoong of Congo, "work is the means to wealth, and wealth the means to status. They strongly emphasize the value of individual effort and achievement, and they are also prepared to collaborate in numbers over a sustained period when this is necessary to raise output" (Douglas, 1962).
In most other ethnic societies, however, success was due to "help" from ever-present ancestral spirits. Such spirits could be tapped by following certain customs, rituals and family tradition as well as obligations. One of these was helping the family, being kind, being truthful and cooperating with members of the lineage. For example, among the Ga people of Ghana, "life, health and prosperity are the reward of goodness" (Field, 1940:216). These value systems are noteworthy as they are often mislabelled as "Western values.
Since these beliefs are still held today, the perception of the wealthy in traditional Africa is far different from what is imputed to the peasants by foreigners. The rich are admired and praised for their success in overcoming numerous odds in their occupations. They are often regarded as having vital forces greater than the average person's. Part of their success is attributed to the "blessing or help" they received from the ever-present but invisible ancestral spirits for being of good character. Accordingly, in many ethnic societies, the elders set the wealthy up as role models for the younger generation to emulate although among the Nuer, "wealth did not create deference by others, only envy" (Carlston, 1968:364).
Contrary to foreign misconceptions, the wealthy, in most tribal systems, are not required to share their wealth equally with all members of the extended family. Wealth may be divided up when someone dies and the estate is being distributed according to either custom or a will. But even so, in some tribes, "so far as possible property is not divided" (Field, 1940:45).
In sum, there was no indigenous Africa law, which prohibited individuals from accumulation or acquiring valuable possessions. And there was no lawwhich mandated that wealth, individually acquired, must be shared equally with all kinsmen. There were, however, two important caveats, which were operative in many ethnic societies. First, the pursuit of wealth was to occur within certain boundaries prescribed either by religion (Islam) or social norms. For example, it was wrong for an individual to pursue prosperity at the expense or injury of his kinsmen. In other words, a tribesman could not exploit a fellow tribesman for his own advancement. Exploitation of kinsmen, in most indigenous African systems, was a taboo but there were no such prohibitions against the exploitation of other tribesmen.
The Somali, for example, were well aware of the potential conflict between the desire for personal gain and the responsibilities of clanship. They upheld loyalty to one's kin to be more important than the possession of wealth. The fact that wealth was "less important" did not mean the Somali could not accumulate it. They could do so as faras they wished only to the extent that it did not conflict with clan loyalty. The Somali believe that, "although riches, if wisely spent, bring renown and influence, pride, dignity and `name' are in the end more important" (Lewis, 1962). The Konso of Ethiopia have a similar attitude toward wealth:
Accumulation of wealth was highly regarded, but wealth must not be `misused' against co-members of one's village or other social group...The Konso system allows for individual industry and material development, but provides checks and balances to ensure that the less favored individual has reasonable opportunity for competition with those who are better off. There is opportunity for material increase, but only within the framework of the social controls and values of the society as a whole...Members may go as far toward the accumulation of wealth or personal comforts, provided that in so doing they do not come into conflict with the community (Kluckhohn, 1962). (Italics mine).
Thus, one would generally not see tribesmen competing against one another, except in a few systems such as the Igbo and the Nuer. That however did not mean competition was totally absent in indigenous Africa. Competition among various kinship groups and societies was very keen, evidenced by tribal rivalries, feuds and wars, whereas intra-tribal competition was generally absent.
Second, in most tribal systems, the rich were generally free to keep their wealth. It was not expropriated by their chief for equal distribution to all tribesmen. The rich were, however, expected to contribute to the family pot and help their less fortunate kinsmen, which is still true today. Most successful Africans abroad and at home are expected to help. Some do so by sending remittances. But the exact amount of help and to whom was left to their discretion. It is true that the rich were harassed by a large contingent of kinsmen. But they were also at liberty to manufacture as many excuses as they could. Most Africans today know of tight-fisted rich relatives.
George Ayittey
(Edited by Emmanuel Odamtten)
REFERENCES
Carlston, Kenneth S. Social Theory and African Tribal Organization. Urbana: University of Chicago
Press, 1968.
Douglas, Mary. "Lele Economy Compared with the Bushong: A Study in Economic Backwardness,"
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Dupire, Marguerite. "Trade and Markets in the Economy of the Nomadic Fulani of Niger (Bororo),"
in Bohannan and Dalton, eds., 1962.
Field, M. J. Social Organization of the Ga People. Accra: Government of the Gold Coast Printing
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Hamer, John H. "Sidamo Generational Class Cycles: A Political Gerontocracy." Africa, January;
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Iliffe, John. The African Poor. New York: Cambridge University Press, 1987.
Kenyatta, Jomo. Facing Mount Kenya. London: Secker and Warburg, 1938
Kluckhorn, Richard. "The Konso Economy of Southern Ethiopia," in Bohannan and Dalton,
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LeVine, R.A. "Wealth and Power in Gusiiland," in Bohannan and Dalton, eds., 1962.
Schneider, Harold K.Dreams and Deeds; Achievement Motivation in Nigeria. Chicago University Press, 1966.
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Olaniyan, Richard ed. Nigerian History and Culture. London: Longman Group Limited, 1985.
Schneider, Harold K. "Traditional African Economies," in Martin and O'Meara, 1986.
Schneider, Harold K. "Trade and Markets among the Mossi People," in Bohannan and Dalton, eds., 1962.
Vansina, Jan. "Trade and Markets Among the Kuba," in Bohannan and Dalton, eds., 1962.
Wilson, Peter J. "Tsimihety Kinship And Descent," Africa, Vol. XXXVII, No.2 pp.133-153, 1967.
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